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IN THESE pages on January 3 I documented how a firm, direct and principled stance by Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, avoiding rhetoric and insults but refusing to give ground to threats, had persuaded the then US president-elect to back down and hold a respectful conversation with the Mexican leader.
This however did not prevent Donald Trump, in the days following his January 20 inauguration, from resorting once again to intemperate threats of tariffs and even military intervention against “terrorist” drug cartels. He did moreover act on his threat of forcible deportation of “illegal” migrants. He also once again said he would impose 25 per cent tariffs on Mexican and Canadian goods, beginning in a matter of days.
Mexico indicated that it would only accept Mexican citizens and they must be handed over with respect for their human rights; deportees of other nationalities must be returned directly to their countries of origin. US military aircraft would not be allowed to enter Mexican airspace, and one was refused landing permission at the last minute. Mexico would receive its returning citizens as heroes and give them immediate access to all its social programmes.
Nevertheless on the weekend of February 1 to 2 it looked as if the tariffs would be imposed, with disastrous consequences for cross-border trade, and Sheinbaum, with overwhelming support from her own Congress and business sectors, prepared to impose retaliatory tariffs. But she still called for dialogue and sent a direct message to Trump; and it was at this point that the irascible occupant of the White House indicated that he would hold phone calls with Sheinbaum and Canadian PM Justin Trudeau early on Monday February 3.
The message coming from the White House still indicated that Trump was not expecting to discuss anything except the terms of surrender with his neighbours. Sheinbaum’s morning press conference, normally scheduled to begin at 7.30am Mexican time, was postponed to start at 9am.
Everyone was still expecting the worst, when a message posted by Sheinbaum suddenly appeared indicating that she had agreement for the tariffs to be suspended for a month while discussions took place; for 10,000 members of the Mexican National Guard to reinforce border security; to take further action to combat drug traffic, especially fentanyl; and for the US to take action to combat the illegal entry of military-grade weapons into Mexico.
Once again Sheinbaum had achieved the seemingly impossible, and when she finally appeared in person at the press conference she was greeted with a standing ovation. Until a few hours earlier no-one had believed this possible. Even Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard, a very capable but ambitious man who a year earlier had been openly hostile to Sheinbaum, gave an obviously sincere tribute to her success in achieving the seemingly impossible.
Sheinbaum’s bold leadership won almost unanimous support in Mexico. She had already launched an ambitious “Plan Mexico” for national development and self-sufficiency, and as a result a prominent billionaire entrepreneur, Altagracia Gomez, had announced her backing for Claudia and the 4T Transformation, declaring that wealth did not prevent her from advocating social justice, ending poverty and defending the national interest.
Even formerly outspoken opposition entrepreneurs now backed the president, who was gaining international stature for her example of how to deal with Trump. Of course, she could only do this because of the groundwork laid by her predecessor Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and the 4T Transformation movement, the combination of universal welfare, fighting corruption, investment in public works, promoting public interest over private gain in all areas, defending national sovereignty and communicating constantly with the people: what they are calling “Mexican Humanism.”
None of this guarantees ongoing success against Trump and his arrogant, aggressive, racist and bellicose cabal as they try desperately to reassert US hegemony. But Mexico’s firm stance undoubtedly helps Cuba, Honduras, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Colombia, Brazil and others to withstand the “Monroe Doctrine” Mark II.
Moreover, while Mexico is very clear that non-intervention works both ways and will not interfere in US politics, there is little doubt that its example has helped inspire the mass protests of Mexican-Americans, Latinos, blacks and progressive Anglos in Los Angeles, Houston, New York and other US cities in recent days. Mass popular resistance, combined with the firm anti-imperialist stance of progressive Latin American governments, may yet defeat Trump.
David Raby is a retired professor of Latin American history (Toronto and Liverpool), a freelance journalist and co-ordinator of the UK Mexico Solidarity Forum. His book Mexico In Transformation: From AMLO to Claudia (Praxis Press) is being launched at the Latin America 2025 Conference, it is the first full-length study of Mexico’s Transformation. David can be contacted at info@mexicosolidarity.org.uk and on X @DLRaby.