THE German and French governments have fallen, and in South Korea, there has been a coup. The G7 countries, the club of major industrialised nations in particular are struggling with numerous internal political problems.

In France, the government fell in December 2024 after failing to pass a budget. Although a new prime minister has been appointed, the issues persist, and some observers speculate that President Emmanuel Macron will step down before the end of his term in 2027.

In Germany, the government has been virtually rudderless over the past year. In December, Olaf Scholz’s “traffic light coalition” finally collapsed, paving the way for new elections.

In Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party lost its majority for the first time since 2009, likely leading to fresh elections.

In Canada, Justin Trudeau’s nearly decade-long leadership has just come to an end. His popularity had plummeted dramatically, and he faced immense pressure to resign.

In Britain, social democratic Prime Minister Keir Starmer achieved a landslide electoral victory, but after only five months in office, he is already less popular than any British prime minister in the past 40 years.

The US is watching with bated breath to see what will become of a cabinet filled with war hawks, weirdos, activist billionaires and an authoritarian, impulsive president at the helm.

The storming of the Capitol four years ago brought the country perilously close to a severe political crisis.

The only country that appears stable is Italy. Far-right leader Giorgia Meloni (for now) enjoys some level of voter support.

Outside the G7, democracy also seems to be faltering. South Korea experienced a failed coup d’etat in December 2024 and the president has been arrested.

In Austria, after failed negotiations, a far-right leader has been tasked with forming a government. Belgium is also struggling to establish a stable government.

The Netherlands is operating under a technocratic government, which came together with great difficulty. Co-operation within this government is extremely challenging and cohesion is fragile. In November 2024, the government nearly collapsed over the expression of racist remarks in cabinet meetings.

In Romania, the presidential elections were invalidated due to allegations of foreign interference and campaign financing irregularities — claims that remain unproven.

In many countries, governments appear either fragile or temporary. These governments struggle not only to manage their domestic affairs but also to fulfil their international roles.

This instability stems from several factors. In countries like Japan, corruption scandals play a significant role, while leaders like Macron and Trudeau have lost their appeal after years in power. These factors certainly contribute but do not explain the deeper malaise.

The fact that so many countries are currently experiencing political turmoil indicates that there are broader trends at play causing problems worldwide. Almost all countries are facing economic slowdown, increasing fiscal pressure, the ageing of their populations, the erosion of the political centre and the rise of the far right.

Budgets everywhere are under heavy strain. Government interventions during the pandemic and later during Europe’s energy crisis (a consequence of sanctions against Russia) have significantly increased debt levels.

Furthermore, there is sluggish economic growth, increasing social expenditures due to an ageing population and sharply rising defence spending owing to the war fever.

Additional borrowing is not a viable option. What then? Since governments are unwilling to address budget deficits by targeting large fortunes, they are shifting the burden, like they did after the 2008 financial crisis, onto the working population.

However, this approach has a political price. Due to their socially regressive policies, centrist parties are losing significant support and are eventually punished at the polls.

In Britain, for instance, tax hikes aimed at stabilising public finances caused a sharp drop in the Starmer government’s popularity. In France, the government fell precisely over budget financing issues. In Belgium, government negotiations are painfully slow for the same reason, and in Austria, they have failed altogether.

The migration factor also comes into play. Due to ageing populations, many critical job positions remain unfilled today, creating an increasing need for labour migration.

Germany, for example, requires 400,000 skilled immigrants annually as its ageing workforce continues to shrink. The situation is hardly any different in other countries.

In other words, migration is a necessity. But combining austerity measures with labour migration is the perfect recipe for xenophobia, which in turn creates an extremely fertile breeding ground for far-right movements.

Forty-five years of neoliberal policies have caused scarcity in social services and resources. This fuels a perverse competition among people who depend on them, provoking the misguided but understandable question of who is entitled to them. The “other” or the “outsider” is quickly perceived as a threat to one’s own welfare.

The dismantling of the welfare state almost inevitably leads to social protectionism and welfare chauvinism. It sows division and pits people against each other. It is the ideal breeding ground for slogans like “our own people first.”

The trends described above are giving far-right movements significant momentum. This momentum is further exacerbated by the governance of traditional parties. Spurred on by the success of the far right, these parties are shifting further to the right.

Instead of addressing the socio-economic causes of the instability and countering the toxic atmosphere, they adopt the rhetoric and proposals of far-right parties to a great extent.

They do this in the hope of stealing votes from the far right. But in doing so, they normalise the far right and ultimately only make those parties stronger. When it comes down to it, voters prefer the original over the copy. This creates a spiral of rightward drift, allowing far-right parties to steadily expand their electorate.

With the victories of Trump in the US, Meloni in Italy, Orban in Hungary, Wilders in the Netherlands and the strong performances of Le Pen in France, the AfD in Germany, and Vlaams Belang in Belgium, the far right feels stronger and more confident than ever. They are no longer pariahs and have gone on the offensive.

The figurehead of this offensive is Elon Musk. This billionaire actively works to influence elections wherever he can and to boost far-right movements.

In Venezuela’s presidential election in July 2024, Musk was particularly active. Through his platform X, he spread fake news to support the far-right presidential candidate. When it became clear that Maduro had won, Musk accused the Venezuelan government of “massive election fraud.”

Musk also openly supported the far-right coup against Bolivia’s democratically elected president Evo Morales in 2019. Later, he posted on X: “We’ll coup whoever we want! Deal with it.”

In Britain, Musk encouraged far-right rioters this past summer and openly supported the far-right party Reform. On X, he questioned whether “America should liberate the British people from their tyrannical government.”

Across Europe, Musk made headlines by posting on X: “Only the AfD can save Germany.”

Trump is also doing his part. For instance, he has done everything possible to humiliate Trudeau by describing Canada as the 51st state of America and calling the prime minister its “governor.”

In the political world and mainstream media, there has been significant uproar over Russian interference in elections, such as the recent Romanian presidential election. But even if that interference existed, it would pale in comparison to what Musk is currently showcasing.

Traditional right-wing parties are watching helplessly as Trump and Musk forge alliances with far-right parties in their countries. Traditional politics seem to have only few solutions for the political malaise, while figures like Trump and Musk continue to fan the flames.

To turn the tide, at least two things are necessary. First, traditional parties must reclaim their own identity. They should promote their own vision based on their original principles and values instead of copying elements of far-right ideology.

Second, they must break with the anti-social policies of the past 45 years. Instead of further dismantling the social welfare state, they need to establish a new social contract. Concretely, this means public investments are required in housing, education and social services.

These are crucial factors for restoring fundamental trust in politics, promoting social integration and preventing growing tensions within society.

Such a social contract presupposes leaving the neoliberal austerity dogma behind for good. It is also irreconcilable with ambitious plans to increase defence budgets.

The figures circulating are staggering. More tanks mean fewer pensions, more fighter jets mean less funding for education, healthcare or other public services.

At the moment, we see that politicians are failing to reverse the tide. They are only making it worse. To achieve a new social contract and to prevent traditional parties from succumbing to far-right temptations, pressure will be needed from civil society, with a crucial role for trade unions.

Now more than ever, civil society is essential to safeguard democracy.