Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) swept to power in Syria surprisingly quickly following a civil war of well over a decade. Was this because the previous Assad government had lost all support? Were there other reasons?


The regime’s downfall has many internal and external causes. Its most important internal causes include the deteriorating economic situation in Syria due to the long and ongoing blockade since the beginning of the crisis. This includes the US, European, Arab and international blockade, in addition to the unjust American Caesar Act against the Syrian people. 

There was also a shortage of basic and daily necessities due to the US and Turkish occupation and the seizure of essential resources such as oil, gas, wheat and cotton. This was aggravated by the deteriorating internal situation, including theft, war gangs, exploitation by warlords, bribery and other factors that led to the regime’s collapse. In addition, there were external factors, including attempts by the United States, the West and some Arab countries to overthrow the regime, the introduction of terrorists and armed groups into Syria to destabilise the security situation and create a state of fear and panic, and the shortage of aid and supplies, to the point of complete non-existence. All of these factors accelerated the fall of the regime.

Western governments say the HTS led by Ahmad Sharaa has changed since it was an al-Qaida affiliate and abandoned extremist Islamist ideology for a more moderate political orientation. What is your view on that and how would you characterise the new government?


What we have seen since December 8, the day Hayat Tahrir al-Sham entered the capital, Damascus, is the issuance of polished political statements and positions, sweetened with honey. However, the reality on the ground is something else, and sometimes the actions are completely contradictory. 

Their actions fall far short of the minimum aspirations, ideas and expectations of the Syrian people. Even the behaviour of some faction members indicates that they have not changed and remain committed to al-Qaida’s extremist ideology. They are negatively impacted by the group’s statements. They often even declare that these actions are individual acts. 

This cannot convince Syrians, and the legitimate president must control these elements. Syrian society is a cohesive society of participation and political, cultural, social and religious diversity. All of this constitutes this distinctive Syrian mosaic. As for the current Syrian government, it is of one type and colour, consisting of Islamists and the Idlib group. We have seen that, even if it were a transitional government, it should have been comprised of all Syrian political, trade union, cultural, artistic and other groups and components.

I understand your party has been banned by the new authorities. What was the justification for this according to the new government, and what is the real reason in your view? Have other political opposition groups been banned?

Unfortunately, this was one of the victory decisions announced by the appointed president: the dissolution of the National Progressive Front and its parties, including our party, the Unified Syrian Communist Party, and the rest of the Front’s parties. 

It should be noted that these parties are licensed and public and operate according to the party law in effect under the previous regime. It should be noted that our party’s history has exceeded 100 years since its founding. Their goal is to abolish the daily political life practised by the Syrian people through their political parties, whether within or outside the Front.

The killings of Alawite civilians in coastal areas recently have been shocking. What was the trigger for this extreme violence? Was the new regime responsible? Have the new authorities shown similar brutality elsewhere and is this kind of atrocity likely to occur again?

What the Syrian coast has been exposed to in recent days reflects the extent of sectarian hatred and the effort to mobilise the Islamic street for a destructive sectarian war against the Alawites. This is evidence of President Sharaa’s lack of control over these armed and extremist groups, whose ranks include extremist foreign Islamic terrorist elements from Uzbekistan, the Uighurs of Asia, and some Arab and Islamic countries, who adhere to al-Qaida’s ideology. 

The horrific massacres and killings committed against humanity reflect systematic hatred and malice, under the pretext of the existence of remnants of the regime and its supporters. The largest number of victims were unarmed civilians, including women, children, the elderly and entire families. There were also Christian victims. 

A large number fled to the mountains and a portion crossed the Lebanese-Syrian border into Lebanon. An estimated 10,000 went to the Russian base in Hmeimim, Latakia. The number of victims continues to rise as a result of these massacres. 

We have warned and we warn again of the danger of the stagnant situation, which is liable to explode at any moment in a more violent and horrific manner. This requires calm. We must defuse the fuse of war, violence and sectarianism. We must begin a real and transparent investigation, bring the criminals to justice, and expel the extremist and foreign armed groups and elements from the country. We must restore confidence and spread reassurance among the citizens.

The government says it is holding an inclusive nation-building conference to determine Syria’s political future, and that a transitional period without elections will last five years. How inclusive is the conference and how are its members selected? What is your view on the postponement of elections? 

First, the five-year transitional period announced is a long time. The dialogue conference that was held was merely formal and had no connection to any dialogue, as the majority of participants were selected from a single background and orientation. 

Given that the number exceeded 700 people, what could they discuss over four hours? It was merely folklore and the recording of positions. We demand a comprehensive national dialogue for all political, cultural, social and union groups, free from exclusion and marginalisation. 

It should have a comprehensive programme that explores a path for a modern Syria. It should produce binding decisions that encompass the transitional period, which we have set at a maximum of two years. Constitutional committees should be appointed, preparations should be made for parliamentary and presidential elections, and a transitional national unity government should be formed to prepare for the modern civil process in Syria, in accordance with international resolutions and Security Council Resolution 2254, which is internationally agreed upon and is set for a period of 18 months. This is the transitional period, during which all issues identified in the transitional period will be resolved.

The government says it will respect women’s rights, but some ministers have already said women are unsuited for certain types of job, while in Afghanistan we saw some initial promises to respect women’s rights rapidly abandoned by the Taliban. How serious is the threat to women’s rights in Syria?

Regarding women’s rights, the positions that have been and are being taken regarding women are timid and far removed from the rights and suffering of women, with all their rights and responsibilities. 

The current local authorities are trying to avoid mentioning democracy as a civil democratic system, because it is through it that women and other segments of the Syrian people obtain their rights and privileges, and through the daily political work of the various parties and movements, through which discussions and dialogue take place to build a civil state, a state of law and institutions. 

This is something we have not yet seen. I hope it will be announced in a constitutional declaration. 

In the opinion of our party and the majority of national political groups and civil society organisations, it does not meet the minimum constitutional provisions and texts for a civil society. Many key provisions and specificities have been omitted, which should be the foundation for any state seeking to build a state with institutions and a civil society in which the most basic rights are guaranteed for women, workers, employees and other segments of society.

The new government seems indifferent to the continued US and Turkish military presence in Syria and even to the expanding occupation of land by Israel in the south. Why? Is Syria likely to be dismembered?


Regarding the American, Turkish and Israeli military presence, they are all occupying armies and must withdraw from the occupied territories. This is especially true due to the repeated Israeli attacks, especially after the fall of the regime and the destruction of all existing Syrian army capabilities. 

Israel exploited the chaos and collapse of the army and violated the 1974 armistice lines, penetrating into Syrian territory and approaching the capital, Damascus. This is in addition to the presence of American and Turkish occupying forces in northern Syria. 

This is in addition to their attempts over the years to plunder Syria’s wealth, including oil, gas, wheat, barley, cotton, and other resources. The previous Syrian government was forced to deliberately purchase its national wealth from the Americans. This, in addition to the internal economic crisis, was partly responsible for the theft of these resources from the Syrian people.


As for the partition projects sought by the Israeli, Turkish and American occupiers, these plans are not new, and these circles have hinted at them for years to divide Syria into sectarian and ethnic cantons to weaken Syria. And forcing it to normalise relations with the zionist enemy, and to achieve Israel’s expansionist programme in the region. Unfortunately, the threat of division still exists and is being promoted on many occasions.

In the view of Syria’s communists, what way forward is there for Syria — what political process would you like to see and how could it be secured?


As for our view and perspective as a unified Syrian Communist Party, we have stated since the first moments of the regime’s fall that we, along with the rest of the political forces, civil society organisations, and various segments of the Syrian people, support change and work to build a modern, civil Syria that includes all components of the Syrian people, with all their sects, parties, and political, trade union, social, cultural and religious movements. 

We aim to work to build a developed Syrian society in accordance with international standards, a clear roadmap, and the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2254. 

We also aim to define a transitional phase for holding a comprehensive national dialogue conference, resulting in an interim transitional government. We also aim to establish various committees to safeguard the constitution and submit it to the people for a referendum. 

We also aim to establish other committees to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. To develop an economic programme for the country. Protecting the public sector, revitalising the private sector, and promoting local and foreign investments in a way that serves the interests of the nation and its citizens. 

Re-establishing a plan for reconstruction and renaissance through a national political, economic, social, and cultural workshop… In this way, we can build a modern Syria, rebuild what was destroyed, and benefit from national capital, in addition to foreign aid and investments, in a way that does not compromise the sovereignty and security of the nation.

This interview was prepared with assistance from Navid Shomali.