TWO big events marked 2014 for Scotland — the Commonwealth Games and the independence referendum.  

The first proved to be a unifying, trouble-free, joyful experience, which brought great credit to Glasgow in particular and Scotland in general, not least for the army of “Clydesiders” — volunteers who related to visitors with skill and cheerfulness. 

The games were universally acclaimed a success. It would be easy to dismiss this as a “bread and circuses” event, a distraction from the realities of austerity Britain. 

But that would be to assume that the citizens of Scotland were apathetic about matters of economics and politics. 

That this is not so was plainly demonstrated in the debates over Scottish independence, which was a much more heated affair and where opinion was sharply divided.

The debates were robust and provocative. I heard the esteemed Scottish historian and Yes voter Tom Devine describe the UK as a “failed state” (like Somalia or Libya perhaps?). 

No voter Gordon Brown sought to turn the tables at the Edinburgh Book Festival by suggesting that a Yes vote would transform Scotland into a neocolonial state with its monetary system dependent on the Bank of England and the Westminster Parliament. 

Far from being empowered as a new state, Scotland would be a disempowered entity.  

It was Brown who made a weighty and passionate intervention shortly before the referendum which no doubt contributed to the 55:45 outcome for the No vote in what was a very high turnout — 84 per cent. No apathy there. No-one could say that we did not care.

Although the No vote looked decisive, that is not the end of the matter.  

The Yes campaign gathered huge political momentum which has galvanised grassroots activity and led to a sharp increase in SNP membership. 

In addition David Cameron’s linking change in Scotland to constitutional changes in England seemed like a Tory betrayal to many in Scotland, on both sides. 

It was a piece of shabby manoeuvring and has not helped Lord Smith who is currently negotiating with all the main parties to achieve a political settlement, consistent with the charter commitment produced by Brown and agreed by the Labour, Tory and Lib Dem parties. 

Whatever the constitutional changes to be made for England, Wales and Northern Ireland, that must be decoupled from the pledges made to Scotland.

Meanwhile all is change in Scottish politics. 

Alex Salmond has resigned as first minister. He intends to seek election to Westminster, where he will hope to wield influence in the event of a hung parliament in 2015. 

He is replaced as First Minister by the redoubtable and well-regarded Nicola Sturgeon. 

Nevertheless, the dire state of the Scottish oil industry may put a strain on the good will she enjoys at the moment — an industry on which the SNP placed so much importance in the run-up to the referendum.

Alongside this has come the election of Jim Murphy as the new leader of the Scottish Labour Party. 

Murphy correctly recognises the importance of reaching out to the Yes voters — but this will not be an easy task. 

Given that the Yes vote subsumed a great number of anti-Trident supporters, he will surely have to give this some serious thought. 

Trident is a relic of the cold war, grounded in a faulty philosophy of deterrence. 

It has been effectively critiqued on moral, political, theological and even pragmatic grounds. 

It is in this important area of defence that a paradigm shift needs to take place. 

Whether this challenge will be responded to, coupled with a programme of alternative employment in the Helensburgh area where most jobs are dependent on Faslane, remains to be seen.   

The willingness to do so may well influence the outcome of the 2015 general election in its Scottish dimension.

Similarly, it was clear that many Yes voters were committed to ensuring that the problems of poverty and inequality were high on the political agenda in an independent Scotland. 

No-one should doubt the passion with which these views were embraced. 

Here is ground that Murphy should aim to recover. But it needs to be clearly recognised that policies of redistribution need to apply not only to income but to wealth. 

To pursue this path will call for a strong, credible commitment and political will. In a society and indeed a world marked by increasing inequality this will require political courage, which in recent years has been in short supply.

So it is that as 2015 unfolds, we will face a troubled world full of contingencies and uncertainties. 

There may not be as much fun as the Commonwealth Games gave us in 2014 but there will be no shortage of political games. 

Those on the progressive left will want to play their part so that we may move to a fairer, more just Scotland.  

We cannot predict outcomes but we surely know that there is all to play for.