The Federal Republic of today is a result of the post-war settlement and of a process that was completed by the GDR’s accession.

The Federal Republic has over the years and with changing circumstances always had the option of a unification of the two German states under conditions of its own determination.

This option was also in accordance with the aims of the US that already existed when the demarcation line between the eastern and western zones of occupation and the allied sectors in Berlin became the front line of the cold war.

With the opening of the border and fall of the Berlin Wall‚ the end of the cold war was announced. But 25 years later a new situation has developed.

The cold war operated in a “balance of terror.” A quarter century after the announcement of its end, the united Germany of today participates in wars and military enterprises in various parts of the world. New assessments have been made and proclaimed as values.

The internal political debate is now characterised mainly by two issues. It is claimed the German armed forces are not adequately equipped; its weaponry is no longer appropriate for today’s demands; planes that are ordered are not delivered on time, and battleships are too expensive. Germany is unable to adequately fulfil the demands made on it by the US and Nato.

And, it is said, such a reputation does harm to the world’s third largest exporter of weaponry. One could say this Germany is no longer operating on the basis of the 1990 “two-plus-two agreement” between the US, USSR and the two Germanies, under which the post-war period was supposed to be concluded and a new trust built between the four allied victors over fascist Germany.

When one looks at the realities of today then one may be allowed to draw unpleasant parallels. On December 25 1991, Gorbachov announced the end of the Soviet Union and ushered in a world that recognised only one superpower, and for that he is still praised in today’s Federal Republic.

Putin, on the other hand, who in 2004 made a genuinely historical speech in German in the German Bundestag, is declared a heretic and is despised.

At the time, he warned that “only a short time ago it appeared that a genuinely common house was being built on the continent, in which Europeans would no longer be divided into east and west, north and south. But such divisions remain because we still haven’t freed ourselves ... of the many stereotypes and ideological clichés of the cold war.”

Unfortunately, Putin’s assessment of that time is still valid today. The German President Joachim Gauck said at a security conference in Munich this year that Germany shouldn’t hide behind its historical guilt and must be prepared to take up its responsibilities.

That made it very clear why Germany is stirring up a mistrust of Russia and demanding permanent Nato maritime manoeuvres in the Baltic Sea.

One can view Russia’s present behaviour and Putin’s policies as one will, but if Germany wants to take up its responsibilities then surely diplomatic contacts are essential to building a mutual trust. Only with — not against — Russia can conflicts in Europe be solved.

Unless, of course, one is looking for new enemies that will cause splits in Europe. Perhaps, given the situation today, the fears of Margaret Thatcher and Francois Mitterand in 1989-90 about Germany becoming over strong were not so outlandish.

What’s up with Die Linke?

The German Left Party (Die Linke) has its own history and it becomes increasingly difficult to make a proper assessment. The author is thus allowing himself to formulate his personal viewpoint.

When the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) was founded in 1990, I was of the opinion that we had to take a revolutionary-democratic path — there is no space for two social-democratic parties in Germany.

Even then it was clear to me that there were a whole number of left forces that were not organised within the PDS. This problem has now become more clear.

Left trade unionists and social democrats who left their party to begin with started to build loose social movements because neither the SPD nor the PDS had been paying sufficient attention to the needs and interests of working people.

In response to defeat in the state elections of 2005 in North Rhine-Westphalia and in the subsequent Bundestag elections, both parties fought the next election as a combined Left list and won 11.9 per cent of the vote.

The PDS and the Party of Electoral Alternative/Social Justice (WASG) joined together to form the Left Party (Die Linke).
But from 75,000 members at the time, we now have only around 60,000.

The German Communist Party (KDP) remains independent, the left wing of the SPD has been heavily weakened and the trade unions are losing many of their members as a result of not combating cuts in public services effectively by organising protest strikes.

In the Bundestag elections of 2013, the Left Party only won 8.6 per cent of the vote.

The Left must become the party that fights for social justice and for peace with a much stronger commitment.

At the moment it is not a question of whether the Left Party in the eastern states should form coalitions with the SPD or the Greens.

When we lose over 8 per cent of our electorate in Brandenburg, one of the Left Party’s strongest bases, then a detailed analysis becomes necessary as to why this has happened.

Just to seek the opportunity of participating in a new state government as coalition partners with the SPD is too little and not oriented towards the future.

And however perspectives may differ among the left in Europe vis a vis the European Union, in every country we need to understand one thing — only solidarity between all left forces in the EU will give us strength and energy.

Hans Modrow was the last prime minister of the German Democratic Republic. He is currently the honorary chairman of the Left Party (Die Linke).